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Ausgabe 3-2004

Themenschwerpunkt: Demokratie und Streitkräfte / Democracy and Armed Forces
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Editorial | download full article as pdf
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Themenschwerpunkt: Demokratie und Streitkräfte

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Dokumentation
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Neuerscheinungen
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Annotationen
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Besprechungen | download full article as pdf
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ENGLISH ABSTRACTS

Parliaments and the deployment of troops abroad under UN, NATO and EU auspices: A double democratic deficit?
Hans Born
While the use of force under international auspices has increased substantially, the same does not hold for the parliamentary accountability of troops committed to multinational peace support operations of the UN, NATO and EU. This article argues that a democratic deficit exists both at the international and national level, leading to a ‘double democratic deficit’. Analysing the problematic nature of parliamentary accountability as regards the international use of force, the article concludes with recommendations for narrowing the accountability gap.
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Die Abschaffung der Wehrpflicht – kein Schaden für die Innere Führung
Jürgen Groß
There are no longer any valid reasons to retain compulsory military service in Germany. After years of public debate during which every possible argument has been used in every possible way, a political decision to change the form of Germany’s armed forces is long overdue. This would not hinder the necessary expansion of democratisation in the German military (»Innere Führung«) – quite the contrary.
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Casualty Shyness and Democracy in Germany
Gerhard Kümmel/Nina Leonhard
Casualty shyness implies the notion that modern societies have become complacent and unwilling to bear the physical costs of conflict; they have turned into casualty shy and 'post-heroic' societies who may easily be intimidated and blackmailed by a determined adversary. The present article relates this issue to the case of Germany. The analysis of the perceptions of and the reactions to German casualties (in the sense of dead German soldiers) by the political and military elites and by the media, i.e. the press, reveals that German society may be less casualty shy than commonly expected. Indifference and socialization/learning are offered as (complementary) explanations.
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Beteiligung und Streitkräfte – Ein demokratisches Prinzip setzt sich in europäischen Armeen durch
Andreas D. Prüfert
Co-determination and participation are normal usual principles in democracies. Until now this is not true for the military part of many societies. Even today there are military leaders who would prefer armed forces without any right of participation. This article comprises five chapters in which firstly the beginnings of co-determination in Germany are described. It is followed secondly by a historical review of participation in the German military before the situation of codetermination and participation in the Bundeswehr of today is analyzed. In a digression the normative requirements of German military leaders are discussed. The last chapter is about participation in other (European) armed forces. Finally the reader will find recent literature on the issue.
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Gehorsam bis zum Hindukusch?
Jürgen Rose
Abstract: The German constitution categorically interdicts any war of aggression. Accordingly, German military law strictly prohibits to take part in any action linked to such kind of wars. Moreover, it commits each member of the armed forces to deny any order that would imply a legal offence. During last year’s war of aggression against Iraq Germany provided indirect support for the Anglo-American coalition. For that reason a German staff officer explicitly declared not to obey any orders that would involve his support for that war. Subsequently, he was prosecuted before a military court and sentenced to demotion. The case illustrates how fishy, unreasonable government manoeuvres are exposing soldiers to qualms of conscience.
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»Ja mach nur einen Plan...«: Wege, Umwege und Irrwege zum Frieden im Palästinakonflikt
Margret Johannsen
After the Oslo Process with its gradualistic approach has run aground, the Road Map with its hollow rhetoric has fizzled out and the Geneva Accord with its blueprint for a sustainable peace seems too reasonable to draw support, there is hope that Israel’s unilateral disengagement from the Gaza Strip could create renewed momentum in the current Middle Eastern deadlock. However, the Israeli withdrawal from settlements and military installations will be a step towards the twostate solution only if the international community is willing to heavily involve itself, support Palestinian efforts to assure law and order and act against the de facto Israeli annexation of Palestinian territory in the West Bank.
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»Und weil der Mensch ein Mensch ist...«
Heinrich Schäfer
Many contemporary conflicts are characterized by strong religious and cultural factors. This is where ethical principles like the discursive »moral principle« of Karl - Otto Apel enter in difficulties. Intercultural ethics has to deal with the network of cultural and religious convictions of the actors implied in conflicts. The present article shows a method of how to link to such a network of a fundamentalist movement and to introduce slight but effective changes. But the concentration on thick cultural convictions – as communitarianists do – does not mean to leave basic humanitarian principles aside. The reflection on the preconditions of liberal ethical principles in bodily human life allows for an interculturally valid reference to a principle of universal humanity.
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Terrorism and the use of force: From defensive reaction to pre-emptive action?
René Värk
Terrorism has become a serious security risk. Due to the scale and gravity of some terrorist acts, it is difficult to regard them merely criminal acts. The fight against terrorism consequently demands new methods, which can include even use of force. This article discusses under which circumstances States may exercise self-defence against non-State terrorism. It concludes that terrorist attacks can trigger the right of self-defence if such attacks are sufficient in gravity and attributable to a State. Anticipatory self-defence may be lawful if used after the initial attack in order to prevent additional attacks. But States may not exercise pre-emptive self-defence against terrorist threats.
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