Impressum





Ausgabe 2-2005

Themenschwerpunkt:
30 Jahre Unterzeichnung der KSZE-Schlussakte / 30th Anniversary of the Signing of the Final Act of the CSCE

INHALT

Editorial | download full article as pdf
Seite III


Themenschwerpunkt: 30 Jahre Unterzeichnung der KSZE-Schlussakte

Beiträge aus Sicherheitspolitik und Friedensforschung

Forum

Dokumentation
Seite 107

Neuerscheinungen
Seite 110

Besprechungen | download full article as pdf
Seite 111

ENGLISH ABSTRACTS

Managing Change in Europe
Evaluating the OSCE and Its Future Role: Competencies, Capabilities, and Missions
Wolfgang Zellner
The past and present contribution of the OSCE to peace and stability, progress and change in the larger Europe is far greater than generally acknowledged. Despite its great merits, however, the Organization is facing a double adaptation crisis. The fi rst cause of this is the necessity of adapting to new challenges and tasks. The second is the need to respond to strategic change in Europe, which has led to a stalemate within the Organization, primarily between Russia, the USA, and the EU states. The OSCE stands at a crossroads. If its member States succeed in agreeing on a meaningful reform agenda, the OSCE will have a future; if not, the Organization’s relevance will be seriously undermined.
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Russia’s Changing Attitude toward the OSCE: Contradictions and Continuity
Viatcheslav Morozov
Russia’s attitude toward the OSCE has undergone a dramatic transformation in recent years – instead of supporting the Organization as the cornerstone of European security, Russia has come to criticize it for being misbalanced and/or irrelevant. This apparent change can be interpreted as a constant pattern in Russian political discourse, which defi nes Russia as the continuer state of the Soviet Union, and thus as a great power. Previously, this set the OSCE up against NATO; presently, the OSCE has been marginalized because Russia has an ostensibly better way to infl uence global affairs by cooperating with the US in the anti-terrorist coalition. This latter position is inherently contradictory and unsustainable, but the adoption of a more rational approach would require an exceptionally favourable combination of several key factors.
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Medienfreiheit als sicherheitspolitische Voraussetzung
 Die OSZE im Spannungsfeld zwischen sicherheitspolitischer Stabilität und menschenrechtlicher Veränderung
Freimut Duve/Christian Möller
Human security and security sector reform are relatively new to the lexicon of foreign and security policy, having both emerged in the post-Cold War world of the 1990s. The two concepts have much in common but they are also very different. This article reviews the thinking that underlines the two concepts and examines the way they relate to one another. In particular, it looks at their commonalities and differences in terms of core function, relationship to the state and state security, objective, scope, actors, and the criteria that are associated with their successful implementation. By means of a few practical examples, the different discourses that typically characterize the two concepts are contrasted and compared.
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Interpreting Self-Defense Restrictively: The World Court in the Oil Platforms Case
Leopold von Carlowitz
The judgment in the Oil Platforms case between Iran and the United States is the third decision by the International Court of Justice in a series that restrictively interprets the international law on the use of force. The article provides an overview of the case and comments in detail on the parties’ arguments and the Court’s fi ndings on the right to self-defense, essential security interests and related evidentiary issues. The case is seen as a remarkable statement of the world court emphasizing the limits of the use of force and the role of the UN Charter at a time when the traditional law on self-defense is challenged by political events and legal writing.
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How Collective Is Our Defence?
Alyson J.K. Bailes
After September 11, NATO has almost exclusively focused on out-of-area crisis management missions. It does little in practice to foster a »collective defence culture« on the new enlarged Europe’s own territory. This gap could in principle be fi lled by the EU, which already has a strategic concept to govern the use of European military and non-military assets for missions abroad. After the terrorist attacks in Madrid in March 2004, member states agreed to a »solidarity« clause to come to each others’ aid in cases of attacks and disasters, and there is a »mutual defence clause« in the new draft Constitution. Making a reality of an EU-based collective defence community is, however, complicated by differences between Europeans (as well as with the USA) about the use of military assets. Does Europe, in fact, still need »collective defence« at all in the new threat environment – if not in a practical, then perhaps in a normative sense?
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Autoritäre Demokratisierung in Usbekistan
Hendrik Fenz
The first globalisation decade began in 1992, when the country joined the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Full of optimism, Uzbekistan started into independence trying to reform under the fl ag of democracy and rule of law. It has reformed, however, without giving up experienced mechanisms of authoritarian rule and corruption from past decades. With this system-immanent contradiction, the country is an obstacle to its own political development. Under the banner of the anti-terror struggle, Uzbek leaders already in 1998 started a disastrous campaign against Islamic believers, who were striving for independence from the state-controlled religion practice. Not only Islamic extremists fell victim to the campaign but mostly ordinary Muslims. Consequently, the country seems to manoeuvre into political imbalance, more and more leaving democratic standards.
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Recht als Mittel der Versöhnung?
Die rechtliche Aufarbeitung von Kriegsverbrechen am Beispiel Ruandas
Dieter Magsam
In 1994, a long-lasting confl ict within Rwandan society escalated into a cruel genocide. Innumerable ‘Tutsis’ were slaughtered by presidential guards, juvenile militia and others belonging to the ethnic group of the ‘Hutus’. Eventually, the FPR overthrew the government and came into power, now confronted with the past and struggling with the question of reconciliation. In choosing to prosecute, the new government has defi ed the ‘culture of impunity‘ and has thus tried to restore peace. Since regular Ruandan courts, which, in addition to the ICTR, were dealing with crimes committed during the genocide, were overburdened by the number of cases, ‘gacacas’ (grass-root courts) were established. Whether they are adequate to promote reconciliation has still not been proven.
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