Impressum





Ausgabe 2-2008

Themenschwerpunkt: Neue Ansätze zur Non-Proliferation / New Approaches to Non-Proliferation

INHALT

Editorial | download full article as pdf
Seite III

Themenschwerpunkt: Neue Ansätze zur Non-Proliferation

Beiträge aus Sicherheitspolitik und Friedensforschung

Neuerscheinung
Seite 110

Besprechungen | download full article as pdf
Seite 111

ENGISH ABSTARCTS

Non-integrative arms control: Assessing the effectiveness of new approaches to preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction1
Oliver Meier
Non-integrative nonproliferation instruments, a relatively new form of arms control, are dominated by a few states that aim to control the supply of dual-use technologies to states of concern and non-state actors. Coercive mechanisms such as the Proliferation Security Initiative, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540 and the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership, however, are hampered by weak compliance and a lack of institutional support. They are not as effective as proponents claim but can be improved by being brought in line with multilateral regimes to control the spread of biological, chemical and nuclear weapons.
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Stand der Implementierung der Sicherheitsrats-Resolution 1540 (2004)
Volker Beck
On 28 April 2004, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1540. Based on Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the resolution obliges UN Member States to implement national legislation and to take measures to prohibit and prevent the spread of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons and relevant dual-use materials. States are also requested to provide reports on the state of national implementation. The 1540 Committee examines the reports and informs the Security Council. Recognizing the difficulties some states have in implementing the provisions of the resolution, the Committee acts as a clearing house for bilateral assistance between states and international organizations offering and states requesting help.

Regimewandel: Iran, Nordkorea und die Zukunft des Atomwaffensperrvertrages
Sebastian Harnisch
The nonproliferation regime is in a critical condition as a result of its members’ failure to meet the challenges posed by the North Korean and Iranian nuclear programs. In particular, the United States has pursued an ambivalent nonproliferation policy over the past five years, combining barely veiled threats and minimal incentives. Two minilateral coalitions of concerned states (the EU-3 initiative and the Six-Party Process) have tried to fill the gap left by the US but proved unable, which has resulted in a serious erosion of trust in the compliance mechanisms of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. To contain the damage done and to prevent preemptive military action in Iran, the United States must act instantly and in co-ordination with the UN Security Council to specify the conditions under which Iran can admit past violations, thereby rebuilding trust and regaining the privileges accorded to IAEA and NPT members in good standing.

Zwangsmaßnahmen gegen den Iran im Lichte der Sanktions-Forschung
Bernd W. Kubbig (in Zusammenarbeit mit Sven-Eric Fikenscher)
This article applies major findings of the international research on sanctions to the current boycott and disinvestment strategies being applied against the Islamic Republic of Iran. The key findings of this research include the identifi cation of three conditions of success for coercive activities: the coherence of the multilateral alliance, the vulnerability of the target country, and the determination of the penalizing states to bear even high economic costs. The main empirical focus of the paper is on the United Nations’ sanctions as codified in UN Security Council Resolutions 1737 and 1747. It also deals with the comprehensive disinvestment campaign of the George W. Bush administration. The paper is sceptical regarding the success of the sanctions that have been implemented, stressing that all three conditions have so far only been fulfilled to a limited extent.

Nuclear Non-Proliferation as a Learning Case for Civil Society Legitimacy
Claudia Kissling
Recent years have seen growing scholarly interest in civil society legitimacy. The present article proposes four normative criteria, namely: independence, transparency, participation, and inclusion, that could be applied to start assessing civil society legitimacy empirically. It does so with reference to the non-proliferation regime, analysing three advocacy NGOs active during the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty’s review processes – the MPI, the Friedenswerkstatt, and the IPPNW. The results give a fairly good picture of CSO legitimacy, but show that what seems to matter most in this regard is organizational culture, rather than organizational structure.

Frieden hören. Über Friedensphantasien und die Ange-bote von Komponisten und Komponistinnen
Dieter Senghaas
How does peace resound in music? Neither peace research nor musicology have done much to answer this question. This contrasts strikingly with the fine arts, where there exists a considerable iconography of peace. Setting out from this astonishing state of affairs, a broad survey of the contribution of composers to the »peace problematique« is presented, ranging from the late Middle Ages to the present day. The wide range of pieces considered include some that can be considered early works of warning, battle music, which was quite prominent for several centuries. There are also pieces that illustrate well the antagonism of war and peace. As much music has been written in the anticipation of peace as to celebrate the end of war. In the 20th century, antimilitary music of a high standard was written alongside works mourning the devastation caused by violence and war. Ultimately, peace itself calls for a positive message and a matching aesthetic. Composers have very often made use of literary texts such as poetry to avoid the risk of Arcadian banalization of the subject matter.

Political Rights in Accordance with the UN and Council of Europe
System for Protection of Human Rights: Free Elections
Elena Andreevska
The »first generation of human rights«, which is based on the classical human rights concept of the Enlightenment, includes not only civil but also political rights. In essence, civil rights constitute liberal, individual rights to ward off state interfe-rence. Political rights, on the other hand, guarantee a claim by the individual to participation in the process of political decision making, and this requires not only that the state refrain from certain acts but also that it take certain positive steps. Electoral rights are both collective and individual in nature, they are rights of »the people« and, at the same time, the rights of every individual citizen. Elections must be free. This does not exclude the possibility of voting being compulsory: the freedom with which we are concerned here is not the freedom to participate or not to participate in the vote, but the freedom of electoral choice.

Communication Patterns in the ‘War on Terrorism’ and Their Potential for Escalation or Deescalation of the Conflict
Sybille Reinke de Buitrago
Communication is a powerful factor in times of peace and conflict alike. This article analyses the communications of political elites in the United States and Germany in the ›War on Terrorism‹. Both states are engaged in countering the threat of international terrorism, but do so with distinct policies, and this is mirrored in their discourses. The different approaches are influenced by self-image and historical experience, by a different understanding of terrorism, and by national interests. They also have different potentials for escalating or deescalating the confrontation with international terrorism.