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Ausgabe 1-2009

Themenschwerpunkt:
Nach 60 Jahren: Die NATO auf dem richtigen Kurs?
NATO at 60: On The Right Course?

INHALT

Editorial | download full article as pdf
Seite III

Themenschwerpunkt: Nach 60 Jahren - Die NATO auf dem richtigen Kurs?

Beiträge aus Sicherheitspolitik und Friedensforschung

Dokumentation

  • Fernziel: EUropäische Armee
    Ein Papier aus der Kommission „Europäische Sicherheit und Zukunft
    der Bundeswehr“ am IFSH
    Jürgen Groß/Andreas Weigel
    Seite 60

  • Hamburger Erklärung / Hamburg Declaration
    Seite 62

Neuerscheinung
Seite 64

Annotationen
Seite 65

Besprechungen | download full article as pdf
Seite 66

ENGLISH ABSTRACTS

Afghanistan, Deutschland und die NATO
Michael Rühle
NATO’s engagement in Afghanistan has provoked a debate on the future of the alliance. Which steps should Germany undertake in order to exclude the danger of deviating from the NATO mainstream? The multitude of its security political dilemmas notwithstanding, some actions should be taken in order to safeguard the closing of ranks with its main allies. First, Germany’s out-of-area engagements should be planned and executed more thoroughly in the future. Second, the Bundeswehr has to continue – both mentally and materially – on its path towards becoming a mission-oriented army. Third, the Federal Republic needs a strategic debate on security which really faces up to the landscape of conflicts in the 21st century.

Das internationale Engagement in Afghanistan: Plädoyer für einen umfassenden Strategiewechsel
Hans-Georg Ehrhart/Roland Kaestner
The Afghan reality and the activities of the international community are diverging more and more. However, NATO’s vision for Afghanistan, as adopted at the Bucharest summit, basically sticks to the long-standing assessment of the situation and the related strategy. The following analysis concentrates on the actual state of affairs and structural parameters in Afghanistan. While not denying the relevance of regional factors of influence it is argued that the resolution of the conflict primarily depends on internal Afghan developments. Given the present state of affairs and the mid- and long-term development trends of this country, the core conclusion of this article is that there is an urgent need for a comprehensive strategy change.

NGO Views of NATO Strategy in Afghanistan
Lara Olson and Anja de Beer
NGOs in Afghanistan have long argued that a fundamental flaw of the NATO effort is the extensive involvement of the military in the civilian roles of reconstruction and development. This has undermined humanitarian space and access in Afghanistan, arguably undermining prospects for the overall development effort. NGO advocacy inside Afghanistan and in donor countries has consistently argued for the NATO strategy to address this counterproductive militarization of aid, as well as the need for clear civilian leadership and a unified strategy across all members of the ISAF mission. Furthermore, for the best possible strategies for Afghan recovery to emerge, the views of the NGO sector must be given more than a token role in the policy dialogue with NATO.

„Counterinsurgency“ – Neue Einsatzformen für die NATO?
Jochen Hippler
NATO has shifted its operational focus without a clear strategy. The Strategic Concept of 1999 is vague and leaves open a wide range of options. The US military has further developed earlier concepts of counterinsurgency. Boosted by what is seen as a successful application in Iraq, counterinsurgency is also being promoted in Afghanistan. However, there are major difficulties and deficits in applying counterinsurgency strategy, particularly in Afghanistan. Instead of adopting a counterinsurgency strategy for Afghanistan, NATO members should develop alternative strategies with a focus on political and economic reforms.

Globale Probleme einer regionalen Allianz: die NATO und die Frage militärischen Engagements außerhalb der Bündnisgrenzen bis 1989
Bernd Lemke
Already in the early history of NATO, there were differences with respect to the regional scope of the alliance. The old colonial powers, especially France, Great Britain, Portugal and Belgium tried to summon direct or indirect support from NATO to stabilize their empires against the rising indigenous movements. While the US was prepared to give at least some logistic or financial assistance from national resources, NATO as a whole refused to leave the regional framework. Not least Germany and the Scandianavian members regularly critisized all “out-of-area” engagements. Later on, the US was intrested in systematically involving NATO in its worldwide military activities but had little success in convincing the Europeans. The historical analysis indicates a degree of continuity in debates on whether NATO is a regional organisation or one with global reach.

Die Nuklearwaffen der NATO. Das neue Strategische Konzept bietet die Chance einer Neuorientierung
Christos Katsioulis und Christoph Pilger
NATO needs to reconsider the role of nuclear weapons. The debates on a new Strategic Concept present an opportunity for a fundamental review, including the question of whether nuclear deterrence by NATO is still appropriate or has become counterproductive. NATO’s contribution to stabilizing the non-proliferation regime should be an important concern in these discussions. A review of the political and military arguments leads to the conclusion that tactical nuclear weapons should be withdrawn from Europe and NATO should commit to a no first use nuclear policy.

Russian-NATO Relations after the Crisis in South Ossetia in 2008
Elena Kropatcheva
This article analyses Russian-NATO relations and demonstrates that the South Ossetian crisis in 2008 has reflected and deepened the problems between the two actors, which have grown since 1991. Russia has felt increasingly excluded from, in Russian eyes, decisions affecting its security. Correspondingly, Russia is discontented with the current international structure dominated by NATO and aims at a renewal of the partnership on a more equal footing. Even though the tension and mistrust between them has been increasing, and only limited cooperation and ‘partnership’ is feasible, common interests and interdependencies will still help to avoid a new Cold War.
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Für ein Verbot von Kriegführung gegen Städte: Die „Hamburger Erklärung“ und der Schutz von Kindern in urbanen Kriegszonen
Hans J. Gießmann/Frank Werner
The “Hamburg Declaration” is a civil society initiative that aims at protecting civilians, namely children, in urban areas from the consequences of war fighting. It reacts to recent trends in war fighting, in which urban areas have become either a major target for attacks with high fire power over large distances or are taken hostage as civilian shields for military defence. Empirical evidence has shown, for example in the cases of the bombings of Belgrade, Grozny and Baghdad, that despite the use of more precisely guided ammunition, civilian losses cannot be ruled out. On the contrary, the victim ratio between civilians and service personnel has become about 100 to one. The “Hamburg Declaration” calls for legal, political and technical measures for keeping wars out of cities.

Auf dem Weg zum nachhaltigen Frieden?
Aufgaben der Friedensforschung zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts
Volker Rittberger
This article advocates a process-based conception of sustainable peace and outlines an agenda for research that is committed to the concept of sustainable peace. It sketches major trends in the global incidence, prevention and management of violent conflict, and highlights several challenges for peace research at the beginning of the 21st century, including religions in violent conflict and peace processes, (re-) construction of state capacities in failing or failed states, arms control and disarmament as well as climate change and violent conflict. The article presents preliminary findings and charts the territory for further research in these areas.

The Responsibilty to Protect – Norm im Entstehen?
Tim J. Aristid Müller-Wolf/ Patricia Schneider
In the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document, the Member States of the UN agreed to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the international community, through the UN, has the responsibility to use peaceful means yet is prepared to take coercive action, through the Security Council, if states fail to fulfil their responsibilities. However, some questions remain unanswered. Fear of misusage, the concept of sovereignty and the veto right are major obstacles for the implementation of the “Responsibility to Protect”. Although the concept has gained support in the academic community, civil society, some governments and the UN it remains at present an “emerging norm” at most, rather than being the guiding principle of international relations or part of international law.